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We "looked" at the world picture of information in the mainframe age last time. Today we pick up where we left off. A gigantic change altered the landscape of information in the 1980s and 1990s when the convergence of the personal computer and networking created a new kind of computing and, with it, an experientially new paradigm of "information" that subsumed the previous paradigms of communication, media, and mainframe computing. That new paradigm may be simply called for short, "interfacing," the kind of combined communicating, mediating, and computing that now occurs when we work in networked information envirionments (personal computers, client/server networks, the Internet) within the new organizational structures that Manuel Castells calls "network enterprise." The goal of this class is to correlate the historical transition from mainframes to networks with the emergence of the graphical user interfaces (GUI's) that resulted in our present windowed, hyperlinked "interface culture" (as Steven Johnson calls it). What does information in the networked age "look" like (what are its phenomenological, psychological, social, aesthetic implications)? What is the relation of this look to the past look of information as it descended from the time of the early 20th-century avant-garde through Bauhaus to the International Style that dominated corporate imagery in the mass media and mainframe ages (e.g., Paul Rand's designs for IBM)? And, meanwhile, whither textuality? (1) A Short History of Information Technology in the 20th Century
(Part II) (See also Part I
on the Mainframe Era)
Personal Computing/Networking Era: Late 1970's to Present
It is convenient to think of three overlapping stages in the evolution of networking as follows: First there was the anticipatory decade of the 70s, which saw the invention of such elemental new devices as the microprocessor, digital telecom switch, and optical fiber. On the foundation of these elements, a new generation of compact, modular, and flexible computing and communication mechanisms emerged to concatenate together the infrastructure for distributed intelligence. Increasingly, the model was no longer a massive concentration of processing and switching power at a central location but micro-concentrations all along the line. In computing, of course, the crucial new micro-machine was the personal computer, which was invented between 1975 and 1981. And in communications (specifically, communications networking), the machinery and protocols necessary to link such computers to each other and to mainframes also quickly evolved. In the arena of LAN's (local area networks connecting machines within a single site), the leading event was the invention of Ethernet in 1973. And for WAN's (wide-area networks connecting machines on multiple sites), there were at least three key developments: the upgrading of telecom networks with electronic switches/routers and broadband transmission capabilities; the creation of the ARPAnet or ancestral Internet in 1970 (together with the TCP/IP packet-switching protocol in 1974); and the appearance of the modem. The second stage of technological convergence then spanned roughly from 1981 to 1991 when business adopted the personal computer as its own. The watershed year was 1981, when IBM brought to market its business-focused PC Personal Computer. Soon a fixture of office life, the PC was complemented by such standard-setting, second-generation personal-computer business software as dBase II and Lotus 1-2-3. The result was that soon after Time Magazine named the personal computer its "Machine of the Year" in 1982, Business Week clarified in August 1983 that the specific identity of that machine was the office personal computer. Businesses were in "personal computer shock," the magazine said. Indeed, by 1984 sales of personal computers already commanded 35% of an IT market that just a decade earlier had been 90% mainframes (Rochlin, p. 43). From the mid-80s on, the next rush was then to wire personal computers to the established architecture of mainframes and minicomputers, to each other (in so-called peer-to-peer networks), and–most importantly–to a new class of "server" computers (souped-up microcomputers anchoring the new client/server model of information exchange). In particular, the advantage of networking personal computers into client/server LANs–thus offloading some processing and control functions from the mainframe to the individual desktop while retaining the power of enterprise-wide databases and messaging systems–proved to be compelling. By 1994, 87% of larger firms and 32% of small ones had linked their computers together in some form of LAN. Wide-area networking, meanwhile, was not yet ready for broad business adoption, but rapidly moved toward that point. After the break-up of AT&T in 1982, the telecom network grew faster and better suited to data transmission due to competition among service providers and AT&T's own entry into the information service market (Straubhaar and LaRose, pp. 263-64). In the meantime, the Internet grew to over 100,000 host or server machines by 1989, added faster cross-country communication "backbones," and evolved a diversity of subsidiary and parallel networks/protocols/interfaces (more ways to use newsgroup, ftp, telnet, bulletin board, and e-mail services). And by the end of the 80s, modems had become noticeably faster (jumping from 300 to 9600 baud). Finally, the third and climatic stage of technological convergence occurred from the early 90s on when office computing–followed by an increasingly strong home computing market–fully merged with the new communication networking technologies. Many developments are germane. Personal computers, of course, became ever more powerful, mobile, and, importantly, capable of communicating (many machines arriving from the factory with modems or Ethernet cards installed). Software kept pace by incorporating communication in its core functions (operating systems, for example, began to include modules for networking, dial-up connections, and faxing). LANs meanwhile grew increasingly pervasive. And WANs, of course, came into their golden age. In the case of the Internet alone, commercial use began in 1991 (with privatization of the backbone following in 1995), the World Wide Web appeared in 1992, the Mosaic and Netscape Web browsers arrived successively in 1993-94, and the number of Internet host machines swelled to roughly 5 million by 1995. The convergence that is the leitmotif of all these developments is perhaps best signalized by one event in particular: the sudden collapse of boundaries between LANs and WANs (necessitating the invention of "firewalls" and other means of reasserting that boundary for security reasons). One factor was that TCP/IP protocol, which had arisen in the Internet arena, now began to colonize LANs in the form of "intranets" (private mini-Internets, often connected to the public Internet through firewall machines or proxy servers designed to screen incoming and outgoing traffic). Another factor was the invention of so-called "tunneling" and "virtual private networks" (VPN) protocols that merged geographically-separated intranets by means of encrypted, private corridors of communication through shared communication space. Such innovations, together with the use of dedicated leased lines and radio/microwave linkages for the same purpose, extended intranets into so-called "extranets" connecting a firm to its branches, suppliers, clients, and partners in a total functional grouping. If "informating" previously generated a thick wrapping of second-order information around automation, then networking now re-wrapped the entire ensemble within an even thicker, third-order interface perfectly adapted to the boundary-crossing, decentralized, and outward-looking orientation of the new global economy. That interface was the interpersonal, cross-departmental, cross-industry, regional, and ultimately worldwide "outside" of the firm as encountered in networks where one's work came into exchange with other people's and firms' work. The overall result of networking, in other words, was that by the mid 90s it appeared that information systems communicated with each other in such a "world wide" web of pervasive networking that what was "inside" was also inevitably "outside" and vice versa. "As the rapid gathering, manipulating, and sharing of information become a preeminent process and as company boundaries grow increasingly fluid and permeable," Davidow and Malone observe in their Virtual Corporation, "established notions of what is inside or outside a corporation become problematic, even irrelevant" (p. 140). Or as Gene I. Rochlin sums it up, "The power of desktop computers, harnessed to the new techniques for global communication and networking, are making possible the creation of new types of large technical systems that are inherently transboundary . . . (p. 72).
(3) Definition
of TCP/IP (the Internet protocol for "packet-switched" information transmission)
from Microsoft Press Computer Dictionary, 3rd. ed. (Redmond,
Wash.: Microsoft Press, 1997):
(4)
Alan Liu, from Ultrabasic Guide to the Internet for Humanities Users
at UCSB (Santa Barbara, CA: UCSB Bookstore, 1994), "Capsule History"
of the Internet, pp. 47-48:) The question before us in this class may be put as follows: Albert Borgmann has written of the "blackboxing" of information technology. Contemporary enlightenment, he observes, "rests on a substratum of machinery that is becoming concealed from the understanding of those who operate on its surface. The blackboxing that is the consequence of progress in information technology encloses ever larger spaces of hardware and software. It is an unavoidable development (p. 176)." The mainframe was one, big black box (like the invisible General Observer's tower in the Panopticon). Now there is a different kind of black boxthe Networkwhose opaqueness is not an interior phenomenon but instead a pure exteriority (the "infinity" of the network that Steven Johnson describes). (The question about what is happening in one's personal computer, in other words, pales by comparison with the question about what is happening "out there" on the network with its galaxies of routers, switches, nodes, servers, and clients.) Yet, following up on the phenomenology of "vision" that attended the mainframe era (documented by Zuboff), the irony is that our entire understanding of the black box of contemporary information rests upon the idea of transparent vision. When we picked up a telephone in the 1950s, we "communicated." When we watched TV in the same era, we "mediated" (consumed media). When we sat down at a dumb terminal to input data in the mainframe age, we "computed." What is it we now do when we sit down at our computer in the networking age? We do all of the above within the horizon of a new kind of action (complete with its own verb): we "interface." And above all, "interfacing" occurs under the sanction of an ideology of vision (and not, for example, of the "reading" that in actuality still occupies us so much while online). The universe of the interface arises at the complex intersection of whole new machineries of display with the entire graphic-design history of the 20th century. At that intersection is the "look and feel" of information. (Corollary: the great "author" of our times is the "designer." Once there was art; now there is design.) So to reask the question: What does information in the networked age "look" like (what are its phenomenological, psychological, social, aesthetic implications)? What is the relation of this look to the past look of information as it descended from the time of the early 20th-century avant-garde through Bauhaus to the International Style that dominated corporate imagery in the mass media and mainframe ages (e.g., Paul Rand's designs for IBM)? And, meanwhile, whither [wither] poor textuality? |
Student
Presentation by Diana Solomon, March 7, 2000:
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Excerpt from the presentation: . |
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Question or challenge posed during the presentation: . |
A hypertext of materials that may be useful for class discussion
(threads that seem to go together and may allow us to link authors, works, and issues)
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Instructor's Preliminary Questions Viewpoint 1: There is the Author in me that instinctively rejects the visual in writing (does anyone else share this purism?). This Author believes that what counts are ideas, and that the best "mark" of those ideas is language–whose talent is "re-vision" (ways to make us see or hear double: devices of emphasis, quotation and allusion, metaphors, puns, play with prefixes, etc.) Viewpoint 2: There is a closet Designer in me that instinctively craves well-designed furniture, pens, clothes, cars, and media (magazines, film, CD jackets, etc.). Good Design is something I have learned subliminally from the whole tradition of design history that treats text as part of a total graphical or "typo-photo" composition, that poses a dialectic between asymmetry and unity, that equates starkness and modularity (e.g., sans serif) with "clarity," and that frames all of the above within the close universe of the "grid" system of design. Here the "marks" are graphical, and what they mark is a realm of "ideas" that is not the same as the ideas in the text. How are the Author and the Designer in us reconciled? Are they reconciled? Should they be reconciled? Is Design a way of life? Is there anything "outside" design? Now look at the movement of Design into the information interface:
What does networked information look like? (Or, what is wrong with the design of Rob and Katie's page? |
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These class notes are for a course in the Transcriptions Project | Page content by Alan Liu | Last revised 3/16/00